"25 Years an Untiring and Principled Struggle":

Kemal Burkay on the 25th Anniversary of the Socialist Party of Kurdistan (PSK)

During these historic days of the beginning of the year 2000 we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of our party.

Such a day is a significant event for our party. For parties which, like ours, organize and struggle in spite of relentless oppression, twenty-five years are a long time, and a day like today is very special.

For twenty-five years our party has managed to hold firm against the many attacks of the colonialist regime and its servants, and, despite adverse conditions - prison, torture and exile - to resist. We have stood firm thanks to our far-sighted policy, our basic principles and our steadfast struggle.

We can be justifiably proud of what we have accomplished in this past quarter of a century. And I would like to warmly congratulate all of our comrades who have participated in the party's activities. I would also like to thank all of the friends who have supported us in our work.

Characteristics of the PSK and its basic policy

Despite a bitter struggle and great losses, we - as a party and as a people - have unfortunately not yet been able to reach our goals: freedom and democracy for our country. This has been due to both external and internal factors: the difficult circumstances and the mistakes and inadequacies of the struggle on behalf of the Kurdish nation. I will return to this point later. But first I would like to give a brief overview of our party's basic policy in the past twenty-five years and express my views on it. What did our basic policy look like? Was it right or wrong for that time? I will not be able to avoid briefly referring to the policies of other Kurdish organizations, for we are not the only actors on the Kurdish political scene.

Let us look at the past twenty-five years. An analysis of this sort is necessary, not only in order to determine what was right and what was wrong, but also in order to learn from the experiences of the past and devise appropriate strategies for the future. At a time when our country is going through significant political changes and experiencing only confusion as regards ideology and organization, we are obliged to carry out this analysis. Thus we can strike out on our path with a clear understanding and point out this path to the masses.

Socialism and internationalism

Socialism and internationalism are the central values of our party, which it has defended with vigor since its foundation. The balance of power in the world has changed to the disadvantage of the forces of socialism. Starting from the consideration that the Kurdish nation has been colonialized and is at present ruled by foreign powers, and that Kurdistan is an underdeveloped country, some people believe such demands to be utopian or excessive.

Our answer to this view is: the struggle between the capitalist and the socialist forces of the world is a long process characterized by setbacks as well as progress, highs as well as lows. The balance of powers is not stable, it may change now and again. It can also change in the future. But the long-term goals of societies and organizations representing the social classes can not be established on the basis of short-term economic, social and political changes.

We defend socialism because the economic and social conditions of our world and our moral convictions compel us to do so. The overwhelming majority of the population of all contemporary societies consists of workers. Socialism defends the interests of the workers. We believe that socialism will lead to the abolition of every kind of repression and injustice among human beings and the creation of a civilized, developed, peaceful society of free men and women having equal rights.

In such a society we see the future of the human race.

As long as employers and workers have conflicting interests, as long as employers convert what is produced by the workers into added value, as long as a part of society lives in luxury while the rest is homeless and unemployed, one can not speak of social justice or equal rights.

But do present-day societies want such a radical change and are they ready for it? That is another question. As socialists, we defend the progressive values that the human race has been demanding for centuries. We are working to prepare people for the society of tomorrow, and our goal is the creation of such a society. The experiences of this past century have shown that all of this is not a dream. The future will doubtless be very different from the present.

Capitalism, no matter how strong it may seem today, represents the past and conservatism. Human beings are changing and progressing toward civilization and peace; they are on the side of socialism.

The internationalist values that we have defended with vigor since the foundation of our party are, for us, neither a passing fashion nor a luxury. They embody our world-view, our way of living. We readily recognize the differences between peoples with regard to language, religion and skin color. We reject racism, chauvinism and the policy of hate and enmity between peoples. We oppose repression and exploitation. Moreover, it is our duty to concern ourselves with the problems of those who are the victims of injustice and repression in the world and to support them as best we can.

If internationalist values had gained a foothold in the lives of all the world's peoples, the plans of the colonialist, reactionary and aggressive powers would have been thwarted. Also, it would have been possiple to prevent bloody wars between the peoples because of the differences of their languages, religions and skin colors. It would have been easier to restore peace in the world and to resolve conflicts and other international problems.

Internationalism means regarding all the peoples of the world as members of the great community of humankind, like brothers and sisters who are struggling in solidarity against exploitation and oppression.

The world belongs to all of us. Each person has the right to live on this earth in peace. Racism, chauvinism, xenophobia, exaggerated nationalism and enmity between different religions and denominations must now be relegated to the past. They are the result of the social relationships, drives and habits of the past. Internationalist values are necessary first of all for the education of peoples of the world.

Moreover, our socialist identity and our commitment to internationalist values have never prevented us from fulfilling our national duties. Contrary to the claims of some, we have not regarded these as secondary tasks. We have never weakened in our struggle against the colonialist and dictatorial regimes that have seized hold of our country and our rights.

During the past twenty-five years we, the members of the Socialist Party of Kurdistan, have been in the foremost ranks of the struggle against the colonialist yoke in the part of Kurdistan that is ruled by Turkey. We have played an extremely important role in terms of ideology and politics. We have worked untiringly to organize our people, defend Kurdish culture and present our demands in international forums. In these twenty-five years we have engaged in regular and intense activity and we have supported the struggle in other parts of Kurdistan. The selfless efforts of our comrades in the struggle to liberate the Kurdish people have set an example for others.

In short, for us Kurdish socialists it is not a fault but an honor to be committed to internationalism. We believe that we have successfully fulfilled our national and international obligations.

Within the Kurdish nation we constitute an organized, robust and militant force. At the same time, within the Kurdish community we stand for the most progressive values of our time. Those who criticize us because of our socialist identity and our internationalistic policy are the ones who are small-minded.

Revolution for national liberation and the national liberation front

Of course it can be claimed that the transition to socialism or the socialist revolution are not the most urgent tasks for Kurdish society. We believe this too. We are not unrealistic. The Kurdish people, whose homeland has been divided up among several states, is waging a war of survival against these states, which are relentlessly trying to suppress this struggle for freedom. Our most urgent and paramount task is the liberation of our country.

Just after its establishment, our party called this task the revolution for national liberation or the democratic national revolution. The goal is to throw off the yoke imposed by foreign nations on Kurdistan, to liberate the Kurdish nation and establish a democratic society.

For twenty-five years the Socialist Party of Kurdistan has worked untiringly to inform the Kurdish community about the mechanisms of exploitation and repression used by the Turkish regime. The PSK is working to organize Kurdish society and prepare it to fulfill its duties toward national liberation. For this reason we have worked to organize within the masses and persuade conscientious members of this society to work with us; at the same time, we have tried to gather together all of the national forces into the broadest possible national front.

The formation of a national front has been one of the most important goals of our program. Our declarations and actions have been in accordance with these goals.

In our very first publications we rejected violence and fratricidal wars, which have damaged the relationships between the various patriotic organizations. We have repeatedly called on all patriotic forces to hold together.

We have worked to create a national front in northern Kurdistan. We have always participated in such efforts. In many cases we have even taken the initiative.

The first result of our efforts was the foundation of the National Democratic Union, which consisted of the PSK, DDKD (1) and KUK (2) organizations. Unfortunately, this union was short-lived, for reasons that had nothing to do with us. Later on, the negotiations that had begun just after the coup of 12 September 1980 were continued in 1981 with a view to the foundation of HEVKARI (3).

In mid-1980 we joined together with seven other Kurdish organizations to establish an organization for the liberation of northern Kurdistan -TEVGER (4).

In 1993 we took steps together with the PKK to form a national liberation front. Twelve organizations from northern Kurdistan participated in this work.

Not all of our efforts were crowned with success. Sometimes they were, but only for a short time. The public knows that we are making sincere and serious efforts not only to establish such unions but also to keep them going.

Two essential factors have prevented the foundation of a national front.

The first is the instability of other organizations through sudden changes of policy, divisions, slackening and withdrawal from the political scene.

The second is behavior on the part of some organizations which is contrary to the spirit of union. This includes fanaticism, the tendency to view all other organizations as inimical forces and the inclination to solve problems through violence.

In spite of our good will, these negative factors have prevented the establishment of a national front in northern Kurdistan. We draw the following lesson from these experiences: the establishment of a national front can succeed only with organizations that behave responsibly, are stable, and maintain continuity in their policies. Violence between patriotic organizations must be ruled out, and democratic relationships must be built up. Only in this way can trust grow between the organizations, and only if trust grows can all organizations, large and small, commit themselves to a common program.

Relations with the other parts of Kurdistan and the policy of cooperation and solidarity

Our policy with regard to relations with the other parts of Kurdistan is clear and explicit. We do not recognize in any way the artificial boundaries dividing Kurdistan, which were drawn by means of violence. On of the rights of the Kurdish people is to abolish these boundaries as soon as all the conditions for this step are fulfilled. Kurdistan is a country that has been divided up among foreign powers; the Kurdish nation is a divided nation that is oppressed by these powers.

Unjust and illegal though these decades-old boundaries may be, they are a reality. They can not be abolished overnight. The consequences of these boundaries are more than real. The political situation is not the same in all parts of Kurdistan. The struggle of the Kurdish people in the different parts of Kurdistan must be carried on by the methods and means that are appropriate to the conditions of each particular part of Kurdistan. It is the Kurdish organizations of each particular part of the country that are best able to decide on these means and methods of struggle. In practice as well, each part of our country has its own organizations.

The relations between the organizations in each respective part of Kurdistan must be friendly and fraternal. These organizations must show their solidarity with one another. Criticism must be constructive and any problems must be solved through dialogue. Violence must never be used to try to solve problems.

From the beginning, we have implemented this policy with absolute commitment. This explains the trust and solid friendly relations that exist between us and the organizations from the other parts of Kurdistan, despite our differences of opinion on specific points.

The claim of a single organization to lead a common revolution for all parts of Kurdistan is not only unrealistic but also dangerous. For an organization that advances such a view will have to intervene in the internal affairs of other parties, and this can lead to conflicts and clashes between the organizations of the various parts of Kurdistan. We have already witnessed such developments in the past.

Recently the PKK began to organize, first among the Kurds in Syria and then in southern Kurdistan (Iraq) and eastern Kurdistan (Iran). This policy led to conflicts between the PKK and the Kurdish organizations in these parts of Kurdistan. The events that transpired in southern Kurdistan are an especially good example. The PKK intervened in the internal affairs of southern Kurdistan. Several times it fought battles against the Kurds of this region. This badly weakened the trust between the various parts of Kurdistan. This fratricidal war cost the Kurds many victims, and only our enemies profited from it.

Cooperation, solidarity and harmony between the different parts of our country are necessary and play an extremely important role. Since its foundation, our party has affirmed its solidarity with the Kurdish liberation struggles in the other parts of the country. We have supported our people's struggle against the colonialist regimes. At the same time, we have criticized their mistakes, which could endanger the national liberation movement.

Between 1980 and 1990, together with some organizations from the other parts of Kurdistan, we strongly advocated the establishment of a council or a national congress. This organization would ensure solidarity and coordination between the patriotic forces of the four parts of Kurdistan. Especially involved in this campaign were the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (Iraq), the Democratic Party of Kurdistan (Iraq), the Democratic Party of Progressive Kurds (Syria), the Democratic Party of Kurdistan (Iran) and the Communist Party (Iraq and Syria).

After the foundation of TEVGER we continued these activities in the name of TEVGER together with the Southern Kurdistan Front and the PDK-Iran (5). These activities are public knowledge. Later on we advocated the establishment of a genuine national congress which would represent the organizations of the four parts of Kurdistan.

Unfortunately, our efforts failed because of the problems and conflicts between the organizations as well as some external factors. For our party, there were no obstacles and no external reasons that could have prevented us towork for the unity. Indeed, we had no conflicts with other organizations, and we do not regard them as enemies; nor did we have any relations with any colonialist country that might have influenced our policy. We, the PSK, have determined our policy in total independence and we have acted in the interest of the national liberation movement.

Relations with neighboring countries; the policy of solidarity with democratic forces

Our party has always been aware of the great importance of solidarity with the progressive, peaceful anddemocratic forces within the neighboring peoples. This standpoint too is an essential aspect of our policy of alliance.

The states that have divided up our country among themselves have done all they could to stir up enmity against us among our neighbors and to arouse feelings of hate and conflict, in order to divide and rule. Certainly the Kurds feel hatred for those who oppress them and subject them to colonialist exploitation. But our policy is guided by common sense, rather than feelings of hate.

In spite of our enmity toward colonialist regimes and the ruling forces which are responsible for the policy of repression, we have never regarded the Turkish, Arab or Persian peoples as inimical forces. On the contrary, we have always emphasized the need for solidarity for the sake of democracy, freedom and socialism, as well as for the struggle against the repressive regimes under which these peoples too are suffering. We have trusted our friends, the true intellectuals and the progressive, democratic and revolutionary forces within the neighboring peoples, and together with them we have conducted a policy of friendship. We believe that this policy is in the interests of the Kurdish people. We have proved in practice that a joint struggle is possible. The foundation of the Union of Left-Wing Forces, consisting of six Kurdish and Turkish organizations, after the military coup of 1980 is a good example of this.

If the entire Kurdish national movement had followed such a policy with determination, it would enjoy a much broader and more effective support among the Turkish people and the neighboring peoples. We would then be able to thwart the plans of the colonialist regime, which consist of inciting the different peoples against one another.

Unfortunately, some Kurdish organizations have not understood the meaning of this policy. In the name of Kurdish patriotism they have pursued a policy of intolerance that has weakened friendly relations with neighboring peoples. Whatever aims these organizations had, this policy has only benefited the colonialist regimes.

Since its foundation, our party has emphasized the close connection between the liberty of the Kurdish people and democracy in Turkey. In the first issue of the journal "Özgürlük Yolu" (6) in June 1975, the title of the leading article was "Our Urgent Task is the Transition to Democracy".

In this article we pointed out that society had to choose between fascism and democracy, and that our urgent task was to prevent the rise of fascism.

"The failure of fascism and the victory of democratic forces will open new perspectives to our revolutionary movement", we wrote. An essential motto, perhaps even the most important motto, of our party was "Democracy for Turkey - Freedom for Kurdistan".

At that time, most Kurdish organizations and groups - in contrast to our party - underestimated

the importance of the struggle for democracy and the joint struggle of both peoples against fascism, and rejected them. They were of the opinion that the struggle against fascism was not the business of the Kurds.

This difference of opinion between our party and the other Kurdish organizations continued for years. But time has shown that we were right. Those who in the past underestimated the importance of the struggle for democracy and accused us of being reformists who wanted to affiliate the Kurdish national movement with the Turkish left-wing movement have now approved of our behavior. Some have not only approved of our policy but have gone even further. In the name of the "democratic republic" they have given up the essential demands of the Kurds. Their policy is "all or nothing".

Our policy at the international level

Thanks to the activities of the organizations of Kurdish workers and intellectuals that are based in Europe, our party has been extremely active at the international level, informing the public about the Kurdish question and promoting support for our struggle.

The goal of our policy has been to win support and isolate the colonialist regime. Our long years of patient work has led to clearly visible results. Through our activities and those of other Kurdish groups, the friendly attitude toward the Kurdish people's struggle has grown. Yet in spite of the strong reaction in the press, the violent actions of the PKK in Europe have harmed our struggle. They have resulted in a decline in sympathy for the Kurdish people and have benefited the Turkish regime.

Two possible political solutions: a separate state or a federation

A further difference of opinion between us and the other parties and groups in Turkish Kurdistan was our proposal to form a federation as a solution to the Kurdish question. Our basic approach to the solution of the Kurdish question, a national question, has been clear from the beginning and it has not changed. We are committed to the Kurdish people's right to self-determination. We are of the opinion that there are two possible routes that would make it possible to implement this right: independence or federation, or, to put it more precisely, a separate state or a federation. Whether the Kurds decide to establish a separate state or to form a federation with the Turkish people, the Kurdish nation will in either case become independent. We refuse any form of dependence. Whether the first or the second possibility becomes a reality depends on objective and historical circumstances.

As we know, for a long time almost all the organizations from northern Kurdistan have advocated only a separate state and ignored the call for a federation. They have criticized us. The PKK went even further and equated the call for a federation with an act of treason.

In an irony of fate, the PKK was the first organization to accept the federalist solution. Over time, the standpoint of some of the other Kurdish organizations has also moved in this direction. However, some organizations continue to rule out this possibility of a solution.

We insist on a federation for two reasons: first, it is in keeping with our conviction that the Kurdish people can live together with the Turkish people &endash; and in the other parts of Kurdistan with the Arab, Persian and Azerbaijan peoples - within the framework of a federation; second, the call for such a federation is in keeping with our concept of socialism.

We regard these peoples as our brothers. If they were free, our mutual trust would be strengthened, and freely chosen alliances will be possible. The Soviet Union was the result of one such association. Switzerland is one example within the capitalist system. Of course there are still further examples. The European Union, for example, is nothing other than a federation or confederation of states.

The second reason why we are considering the possibility of a federation &endash; why we in fact insist on the choice of this possibility &endash; is political reality. In view of the circumstances in Kurdistan, our call for a federation is realistic. It is in accord with the balance of powers in the region and in the world. Without extraordinary changes in the region, it would be difficult for the Kurds &endash; who live in a country devided by four states and thus are surrounded by them&endash; to change the borders of these four states and establish an independent state. The states of the region are hostile to the idea of the establishment of such a state. Moreover, the Kurds do not enjoy the international support that would be necessary in such a case. By contrast, the call for a federation might receive such international support. With regard to the peoples with whom we live together within the boundaries of the states that have divided up Kurdistan among themselves, international opinion could also accept such a demand.

The experiences of the past twenty-five years and our international relations show us clearly that the demand for a federation is realistic. This demand offers us a broader field of political action.

Urgent democratic demands

In order to attain the goals we have set for our political struggle, it is not sufficient to formulate programs;

economic and democratic demands that correspond to the circumstances and needs of society are also necessary in order to win mass support and make it possible to negotiate compromises and to solve problems. This we have always done. In order to solve the Kurdish question through dialogue and compromise and to open up the path to peace, we have repeatedly made concrete proposals to the opposite side. Over time, the public has adopted most of our demands and made them theirs - for example, the free use of the Kurdish language in the press and in education, freedom to debate the Kurdish question, and freedom to organize for Kurdish political parties and cultural organizations.

We have made further proposals as well: a bilateral cease-fire, the return of the deported Kurds to their villages, compensation for the damages they have suffered, abolition of the State of Emergency, abolition of the system of village guards, a general amnesty and the democratization of the constitution and other laws.

Internal democracy in the party

Within the party we have applied the basic principles of democratic centralism. The party is administered in accordance with the resolutions of the party congresses, the central committee and other responsible bodies. These decisions are made in accordance with the party program on the basis of the party's bylaws.

To date, the party has convened five party congresses. The party congress elects the central committee.

The internal structure of our organization is defined by the bylaws. We have always made a point of maintaining internal democracy. Freedom of opinion and freedom to criticize are the prerequisites that must be met before the party's organs can reach a decision. But it is also a rule that the decision of a party organ must be respected. However capable or selfless an individual might be, he or she is never permitted to overrule the party's organs or force his or her views on others.

For twenty-five years our party has solved its internal problems, some of them at the level of the central committee, by means of decisions made after informing our party members and encouraging a free exchange of opinions. Thus we have got the trust of the members and maintained our unity.

For twenty-five years I have been the party's Secretary General. Twenty-five years is a long time. The fact that there has been no change of personnel in this office is not due to a clause in the bylaws or to my passionate desire to serve in this capacity. On the contrary, I have personally requested, repeatedly and sincerely, that this function be entrusted to another comrade. However, after each party congress the central committee has entrusted me with this difficult but honorable task. Believing in the cause of the people and as a responsible member of the party I have tried to serve in this office as well as I could. I thank the comrades who have judged me worthy of this task.

Of course the roles and the abilities of the individuals are important for the work of the party. But the most important factor is the party's policy, its basic principles and regulations, for no organization that enjoys a certain degree of stability and is democratically managed will be plunged into disarray by a change in the leadership. Indeed, it will elect new leaders within the party and simply continue on its way. The cult of personality and personal power that bypasses the party's organs is a weakness typical of backward societies. At the same time, arbitrary power cripples the democratic processes within the organization, chokes off the free exchange of opinion, weakens collective power and creates dictators.

It is a tradition of our party to turn to the members before every important decision and every important change in party policy, as well as before every party congress. We have organized several conferences in order to discuss our future policy. Every party member who has the rights and the responsibilities to carry out its party functions, and participates in working out the party's policy.

The fact that our party has survived under the oppressive political conditions of Turkey and Kurdistan is due largely to the excellently functioning democratic processes within our party. We have survived difficult phases by exchanging views, making new decisions and, when necessary, renewing our policy and our working methods through amendments of our program and our bylaws. For example, during the period when the socialist system was collapsing and some communist and socialist parties disappeared from the political scene altogether, our party managed to survive, thanks to the fruitful debates within the party, specially by the two conferences we organized in 1989 and the party congress in 1992, we were able to avoid splitting up into factions.

We have chosen to wage a peaceful political struggle

In order to reach our goals with regard to the class struggle as well as the liberation struggle, it is obvious that we have to use the means and the form of struggle that are appropriate to the circumstances.

The experiences we have gained in the social and national struggles have shown that the struggle is primarily political in nature.

Neither a revolution nor radical change is possible without the organized participation of the people. Awakening the consciousness of the masses and organizing them in order to motivate them requires a long, patient and intense political struggle. Under certain circumstances, especially if the enemy uses force, it is not only natural but even justified to defend oneself with similar methods. Both religion and politics recognize the right to resist oppression. This right is established in the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights. However, employing weapons and violence in a social or national liberation struggle is not an end in itself. If the struggle can be waged by legal and peaceful means, there is no need to resort to violence. Moreover, even if there is no possibility of waging a legal and peaceful struggle, one must not automatically resort to armed struggle. Those who want to lead the struggle of the workers or of an oppressed people, must in any case consider whether the circumstances justify an armed struggle and weigh the advantages and disadvantages of this type of struggle. Both the time and the place of an armed struggle must be carefully chosen so that the struggle serves the interests of the liberation forces rather than benefiting the enemy.

On the basis of these fundamental considerations, our party does not reject the armed struggle for the liberation of the Kurdish people and regards it as its legitimate right. But we are of the opinion that the conditions in northern Kurdistan and the balance of power in the Near East are not favorable to an armed struggle.

What exactly are these circumstances? Several times I have had the opportunity to express my thoughts on this subject. Once again, I would like to make some brief remarks on our standpoint. Our country has been divided up among four states and is surrounded by these states. Kurdistan has no opening to the outside world, either by land or by sea. Because of this geographical situation, it is extremely difficult for the struggling Kurdish liberation forces to maintain close contacts with the outside world, for the armed struggle requires a secure base in the hinterland, logistical support and close contact with the outside world. Under the present circumstances it is even difficult to bring into Kurdistan the materials provided by friendly forces.

The history of the Kurdish people's liberation struggle makes it clear that the struggling Kurdish organizations depend on the support of the colonialist states. From Iran, Iraq, Syria or Turkey they need military support, food and other materials, as well as permission to set up bases in the hinterland, or at least tolerance for such bases. Yet each of these states has problems with its own Kurds, and for this reason does not wish to see a victory of the Kurdish movement.

These states not only oppose the establishment of a Kurdish state, they also do not tolerate any form of Kurdish autonomy. Because of their common interests these states have formed alliances many times in the past in order to suppress the Kurdish national movement. The goal of a neighboring state that maintains relations with Kurdish political parties is to exploit the Kurdish movement as a trump card against another state and even against its own Kurds.

This is precisely how Iran, Iraq, Syria and recently Turkey as well have proceeded. Equipped with this kind of support, the Kurds have waged war but never won it, because this support was not sufficient to enable the Kurds to win. On the contrary, in most cases the Kurdish parties that have formed alliances with a colonialist state that occupies part of Kurdistan have lost their independence. In some cases their choice has forced them to fight for the interests of the colonialist states against other Kurdish organizations.

The division of Kurdistan among four states is also one of the reasons why the Kurdish national movement has received hardly any support, or in any case not an adequate amount of support, at the international level.

No state, whether large or small, and whatever its social system may be, wants to put at risk its relations with four states of the Near East (Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria) for the sake of the rights of the Kurds. This is how it was yesterday, when the world consisted of two opposing political systems, and this is how it is today.

Moreover, northern Kurdistan is occupied by Turkey, a member of NATO. For this reason it has not been possible to count on NATO's support for the liberation struggle of Kurdistan. NATO has always supported Turkey.

An organization that wages an armed struggle must keep all of these factors in mind. As in the past, an armed liberation struggle can be won only with strong international assistance. For the aforementioned reasons, such assistance has been denied to the Kurds.

Given these circumstances, it was clear from the very beginning that an armed struggle had no prospects of success and would only worsen the Kurds' situation.

Here I must also emphasize another important point. In the 1960s and the 1970s it was the Turkish regime itself that attempted to lure the entire Turkish left-wing movement and the Kurdish movement into waging a misdirected armed struggle. Its goal was to lure its opponents onto terrain where Turkey felt strong enough to destroy the popular movement. The left-wing forces and the Kurds were provoked continually. Unfortunately, by setting up its agents, its spies and its puppet organizations the regime achieved its aim.

In our case the armed struggle was possible only in the case of a revolt of the workers and the left-wing and democratic forces in Turkey &endash; that is, a revolt of the Turkish people en masse. Only if this happened would the Kurdish people be neither isolated nor surrounded. The joint struggle of both peoples would have been able to overthrow this despotic regime.

Our party kept these factors in mind and therefore rejected the idea of an armed struggle and warned those who would have chosen this alternative. In the extremely tense circumstances of the 1970s and 1980s it was difficult to make our standpoint clear to other organizations.

The PKK in particular chose armed struggle, for internal and also for external reasons &endash; but without success. For we were right, unfortunately.

Let us set aside for a moment the type of armed clashes the PKK made before the military coup in 1980. The result of the war that began in August 1984 and lasted for fifteen years has been the destruction of 4 000 Kurdish villages and several Kurdish cities. Kurdistan today is the very image of destruction. Tens of thousands of people have been killed. Our people have endured endless suffering. Millions of Kurds have been forced to flee Kurdistan and live in exile. What has been accomplished? Despite the PKK's repeated promises, first to create a liberated region and then to establish an independent state, not one single hectare of the Kurdish region has been liberated. No rights have been won. One can even say that in some respects the situation has worsened.

Our party has always been aware of this blind alley. We warned the public opinion befor the coup in 1980. When the PKK launched its armed struggle in 1984, we declared that this struggle had no chance of success and that this adventure would result in tremendous losses. But many people lost their common sense as the guerilla war proceeded. With enthusiasm they believed that victory was within their grasp. But we had no illusions about the outcome of the war. We remained realistic. Of course we directed our propaganda against the colonialist regime, which we regard as the true initiator of the war. But we remained committed to the truth. In a interview in the journal "Deng" in January 1991 I declared: „Initiating armed resistance when the balance of power and the national and international circumstances are unfavorable is not only doomed to failure but can lead to the destruction of the fighters and our people."

In the same article I emphasized that a struggle that is waged with the support of Syria and the other colonialist countries can not lead to victory, and that a belief in such a victory is mere illusion.

Today the outcome of the war is easily visible; except for the destruction of Kurdistan there have been no visible results. We do not need to elaborate on the situation of the PKK, which was unable to find any refuge for its chairman Öcalan or to prevent his arrest by Turkey. The PKK has laid down its weapons unconditionally and abandoned its national Kurdish demands.

Were there no methods of struggle for the liberation of the Kurdish people other than the armed struggle? Of course there were. Öcalan himself declared after his detention by Turkey, after his defeat in effect, that twenty years ago he made a mistake. Indeed, he now admits that peaceful struggle by political means is better suited to the existing circumstances. Has Öcalan really changed, or is he making such declarations out of personal motives? I do not know. But his party decided that these declarations were right. There are still Kurdish organizations which believe that the Kurdish question can not be resolved without armed struggle. This belief must be the outcome of weakness of Kurdish society. Kurds who are tired of oppression and injustice have repeatedly joined resistance groups; this has seemed to them an easier, quicker solution. Many Kurds have believed that this is the only possible means of political struggle and maintaining national liberation movement.

However, politics is above all a struggle that is carried on through spoken and written propaganda, through organization and mass movements. Educated, organized masses struggling for their interests are the greatest power one can imagine. The necessity of armed resistance in certain phases should not lead us to conclude that this form of struggle is the most important one. The many forms of political struggle can also bring us to our goal. It was possible for northern Kurdistan in the past and it is still possible today.

Before the coups of 12 March 1971 and 12 September 1980 there were opportunities to wage a political struggle. The Workers' Party of Turkey (TIP), the DDKO (7), the rallies in the eastern part of the country, and the many legal publications that existed before 12 March 1971 are the best evidence of this. After military rule of 12 March period ended in 1974, the opportunities to wage the struggle by legal means have become even more favorable. Several left-wing parties are permitted to exist legally and the Kurdish national movement has carried out many activities legally.

However, before the military coup of 12 March 1971 the Turkish left-wing movement, out of impatience, chose underground activities and misdirected armed actions. And the Kurdish national movement before 12 September 1980, without weighing the pros and cons, also decided to wage an armed struggle.

Even though the Kurdish national movement was in a sense compelled to go underground, because the regime was not entirely open to a struggle by legal means, it could have continued its struggle without violence. There were many possible forms of peaceful struggle.

The PDK (Democratic Party of Kurdistan), for example, had been organized as early as the 1960s. Our party, which was originally called the PSKT (8), was founded at the end of 1974. Other Kurdish parties were formed in the following years. At the same time, we began to publish "Özgürlük Yolu" and "Roja Welat" (9) in Kurdish and Turkish. About ten thousand issues of "Özgürlük Yolu" and between thirty and forty thousand issues of "Roja Welat" were published. We distributed them throughout Turkey and the most remote parts of Kurdistan. Numerous cultural associations were formed everywhere. We won the local elections in two large Kurdish cities, Diyarbakir and Agri. National consciousness awoke in Kurdistan, and this kept fascist and reactionary forces from gaining a foothold. The trade-union movement became stronger, the popular masses were in motion. We advocated the formation of a national front. Strong relationships with the revolutionary and democratic forces of the Turkish people were formed.

At a congress for democratic education that was organized by the TOBDER (10), more than forty trade unions and associations, including DISK (11) and the Turkish Writers' Union, affirmed their support of the Kurds' demand for recognition of their right to education in their mother tongue. They raised their voices against the suppression of the newspaper "Roja Welat". We had already taken steps to form a democratic and anti-fascist front consisting of the Kurdish national movement, Turkish democratic forces and the Turkish left-wing movement. If this process had not been interrupted the struggle for democracy in Turkey and the Kurdish people's liberation struggle would be much further along today.

In view of these developments, the regime panicked and did everything it could to interrupt this process. Terror was intensified through fascist organizations operating covertly as well as openly. Some of the organizations in the Turkish left-wing movement fell into the trap. Finally the fascist junta, the most conservative and repressive force within the system, seized power using the pretext that it was fighting terrorism which was the product of themselves. The military junta then plunged into a bloody campaign against the left-wing movement, the democratic forces and the Kurdish national movement.

The majority of left and democratic organizations and Kurdish parties had not comprehended the broader

implications of the regime's plans. Their mistake lay in failing to see through these plans and falling into the trap of terrorism, for the regime's attack could have been opposed through the formation of a broad front.

In the name of the PSK we have repeatedly called for the formation of a Kurdish national front and a joint

anti-fascist front of the Kurds and the Turks. We have taken the necessary steps toward this goal, as is shown by our publications in the years before 1980. I can say in good conscience that our party has done its duty and behaved responsibly.

Despite the threat of fascism, most of the organizations in the Turkish left-wing movement and most Kurdish organizations plunged with blind fury into a fratricidal war. This irresponsible behavior played an important role in the junta's seizure of power and the considerable losses that followed it.

The armed campaigns of the Turkish leftwing, which had no popular support, did not lead to any results. Because of constant internal splits it gradually lost influence and became a negligible force. The PKK, which had plunged into armed struggle without having first weighed the pros and cons and without taking into account the national, regional and international circumstances, was also unable to achieve anything. It was compelled to accept defeat and experience the disappointment of the present day. This organization's mistake was that it neglected the political struggle, overestimated the power of weapons and failed to see the traps set for it by the enemy.

The PKK's structure and misdirected tactics

Not only did the PKK plunge into a misdirected armed struggle, it also made grave errors with regard to the means and methods of armed struggle.

One of the PKK's major errors was its negative attitude toward the formation of a national front. The PKK regarded all other Kurdish organizations as forces that were cooperating with the enemy and therefore were an obstacle to the liberation struggle. It claimed that its most important task was to eliminate the other Kurdish organizations. The PKK waged war against nearly all other Kurdish organizations and most of the Turkish organizations in the left-wing movement. This policy led to senseless losses and a weakening of the Kurdish movement and the Turkish left-wing movement.

In recent years the PKK created the impression that it wanted the formation of a national front. It even took some steps in this direction. But its true purpose was not to form a front on the basis of democratic relations with the other organizations. Rather, it wanted a union to be formed under its leadership and in the service of its own interests.

Although it pretended to support the formation of a union, it had never abandoned its policy of violence, repression, threats and disinformation with regard to the other Kurdish organizations.

The PKK has also made grave mistakes in its relationships with the civilian population. Before the coup of 1980, ist policy had led to a war between the Kurdish tribes. Later it repeated these mistakes. Those who were not for the PKK were regarded as enemies. Instead of following a neutral policy toward the village guards, who either took on this job under pressure or threats of repression or because of personal interests, the PKK chose the course of confrontation. In the PKK's attacks on the villages controlled by the village guards, many people were killed, including women and children. Such actions strengthened the relations between the village guards and the state (some tribes became village guards as a whole) and lent support to the government's claim that the PKK was a terrorist organization.

The idea that the PKK was a terrorist organization was strengthened by violent actions such as the murder of civilians, including teachers, doctors, engineers and ordinary civil servants. The PKK's violent actions abroad against the Kurdish and Turkish left-wing movements, especially against our party, KOMKAR (12), and its own former members, strengthened it even further.

Such actions have benefited only the Turkish regime, and the Turkish regime has referred to them over and over again in its own propaganda. In order to strike fear into the people, take its way out of every difficult situation and justify itself in the public eye, the regime committed terrible acts and blamed them on the PKK.

The grave mistakes of the PKK have hindered the formation of a Kurdish national front, a more active participation of the masses in the struggle, and a more effective level of support from the peaceful and democratic forces in Turkey and abroad. They have contributed to the isolation of the PKK and the Kurdish national movement.

In conclusion it can be said that these mistakes have destroyed the armed struggle's chances of success, which were slim to begin with. If these mistakes could have been avoided, the PKK and the Kurdish national movement as a whole would have been in a more favorable position today, even if a military victory over the Turkish regime was impossible.

Öcalan himself admitted these mistakes in his self-criticism. He blamed some cadres of his party as being responsible for these horrible actions. Whatever his reasons and intentions may have been, his explanations do not change the outcome one bit.

A further important shortcoming of the PKK was the lack of democracy within the party. The PKK obeyed the instructions of Öcalan. Most of the time, the party organs were mere window dressing. At no point was there room for free discussion within the PKK. The members were allowed only to praise Öcalan and applaud the policy he pursued. Those who dared to criticize this policy were accused of treason and harshly condemned. Only those who showed remorse were allowed to keep their places within the organization. This mechanism led to a genuine cult of personality with regard to Öcalan and destroyed the personalities of all other members.

In the PKK, power lay in the hands of a single person. Today as yesterday, Öcalan still decides what is right and what is wrong.

Initiating an inappropriate armed struggle, undemocratic organization and wrong tactics &endash; some of which we have just mentioned &endash; are certainly not the only mistakes made by the PKK. Much has been said in the past about the circumstances of the PKK's foundation, the relationships it has formed, the influence of various states on its policy from its foundation until today, and about the results of these factors.

Much could be said about these subjects even today. These are extremely important issues. But in order not to diverge too much from the matter at hand, and because of the sensitivity of the present situation, I do not wish to deal with these points in greater detail today.

I would just like to add that everything is so clear and obvious that no further remarks are necessary for those who wish to see. As for those others who have sworn not to look reality in the eyes, all efforts are useless anyway and any further words would be a waste of time.

Continuous and devoted organizational work

I have just described the guidelines of our party's policy since its foundation. We believe in the rightness of this policy, which has been proved over the past twenty-five years. We are very proud of it.

Under war conditions, when society is divided along the lines of the armed forces taking part in the conflict, it is an accomplishment in itself to keep an organization like ours alive at all. But despite the pitiless terrorism that was being pursued even before the coup of 1980 and afterwards only grew worse, we continued to follow the path we believed was right.

This success is due to the struggle we have steadfastly engaged in, according to our principles, for twenty-five years.

As I have already said, before the military coup of 1980 our organization was very active in areas such as the press and propaganda. Thanks to our organizational work, we have been able to build up solid relationships with the popular masses. After the coup our party was massively attacked and had to cope with several heavy blows. But we never stopped doing our organizational work. In prison, in our country and in exile, we have tirelessly continued our struggle.

The comrades who were detained by the military junta have stood up with great courage to torture in prison and to trials in the courts. Some of them died under torture.

A number of comrades, myself included, left the country on the party's orders. But we have never given up the struggle and have continued tirelessly. Together with the comrades and advocates we have gained abroad, we have worked with all our strength to denounce and isolate the Turkish regime at the international level. In this way we have also tried to heal our wounds and inspire the organized struggle in Kurdistan.

It is not easy to continue the struggle for years under the difficult conditions of exile. But we have done so.

Our contribution to publications produced abroad has been significant. We have also begun to publish our central press organ, "Riya Azadi" (13), which we have clandestinly transported into Turkey and distributed there.

Our party and the associations and women's and youth organizations that are affiliated with us have published many journals, newspapers and bulletins in Turkish and Kurdish, as well as other languages, both in our country and abroad. Numerous books and brochures on the Kurdish liberation struggle and the history, language and culture of the Kurds have been published by about ten publishing companies.

The organizational work we have done during the past twenty-five years in our country and abroad, legally or illegally, of a political and democratic nature, has been varied and fruitful. We have organized hundreds of public meetings and seminars on political and cultural topics. Alone or together with other allied organizations, we have organized hundreds of protest actions against the Turkish regime, both in our country and abroad. We have publicly expressed the demands of the Kurdish people and demonstrated for peace and democracy.

In organizing these political and cultural activities, these demonstrations and rallies, we have worked constantly, systematically and according to definite plans. The energy and selflessness of our comrades and sympathizers have guaranteed the success of these activities. I would like to take this opportunity to thank my comrades, our friends and all those who have supported us.

At the international level, our party has done a considerable work. We have built up valuable relationships. We have organized talks with government representatives, parliamentarians and political parties in numerous countries. I have been invited three times by the European Parliament to present paper on the Kurdish question.

The comrades and I have participated in numerous international conferences in order to explain our standpoint on the Kurdish question and the demands of our people. We have ourselves organized two international conferences on the Kurdish question.

These activities have made an important contribution toward making the Kurdish question known at the

international level and winning sympathy and support for our people's struggle. At times we have even caused serious difficulties for the colonialist regime.

I can say with pride that our party has done more effective and intensive work in this area than any other Kurdish organization.

Comrades, for all these reasons our party has a great influence on the political stage of Kurdistan and enjoys a good international reputation. This influence is out of all proportion to the number of our members and the financial resources and propaganda possibilities we have at our disposal. We owe this reputation to the rightness of our policy and our tireless struggle.

National and international obstacles to the liberation struggle

Political polarization on the base of violence and the question of alternatives

Nonetheless, we believe that it is not sufficient to pursue the correct policy and struggle untiringly to reach our goals.

Whether we reach our goals depends of course not only on our struggle or the rightness or wrongness of our policy. This applies to all other organizations as well. For we are not the only actors on this stage. Whether we attain our goals depends on the present situation of the entire Kurdish movement and the general struggle. It depends on the objective and subjective circumstances as a whole. We know the objective conditions; they are extremely unfavorable. We Kurds are struggling under the rule of four states; we are being denied strong international support. And to these disadvantages we must add the mistakes and shortcomings of the Kurdish national movement. The underdevelopment of Kurdish society and the feudal structures and relationships we have inherited from our past are an obstacle to national unity. The lack of experience in the area of organizational work and the lack of democratic values are further obstacles in the path of the Kurdish national movement.

The feudal and pre-feudal structures (tribes, religion, regionalism, the power of the aghas and the sheiks) and the resulting values and ways of life are an obstacle to the attainment of national unity. The habits and values of society are reflected in political life and the activities of organizations. If social life and the democratic relationships had evolved further within our society, it would have been easier to organize the Kurdish national movement, establish strong modern parties and form a union.

These feudal structures and tribal values are so strong that they have led to the underdevelopment of political life. Under such circumstances, political parties become sects and political leaders become idols.

We can not explain the present situation, including the situation of our party, without taking into account the internal and external difficulties and the totality of the objective conditions to which the liberation struggle is subject.

Yet in general most people make judgments on the basis of what has been accomplished and the present situation. Today as in the past, many people ask, "Well, what are you doing?" or "Why haven't you worked out any alternative?"

I think that we have indeed worked out an alternative; but it was not able to develop under the confused conditions that exist in Turkey and Kurdistan.

We have worked for years to form a national front in northern Kurdistan and establish a democratic front consisting of Turkish and Kurdish forces. If we had succeeded, the fate of both peoples would have looked very different from the way it does now. However, the formation of these fronts did not depend on us alone.

We have also worked to form a national congress in which the organizations of the four parts of Kurdistan would join together. For reasons that did not depend on us, this work did not produce any results.

The goal of our policy has consisted of winning friends and allies who support the struggle of the Kurdish people. But through their irresponsible actions, some others have destroyed existing friendly relationships and damaged the reputation of the Kurdish national movement.

We have correctly analyzed the conditions in our country and warned other organizations regarding possible ill-considered attempts at action and the traps set for us by the Turkish regime. If the other progressive and democratic organizations &endash; Kurdish and Turkish &endash; had also behaved this responsibly and far-sightedly, together we would have been able to thwart the regime's plans. Then surely the struggle for democracy and socialism in Turkey and the liberation struggle of the Kurdish people would have continued in their natural paths, we would have avoided such errors, and the present situation would have looked quite different. The narrow-mindedness, the lust for adventure, the irresponsibility and the stupidly fratricidal wars that have been prevalent in the Turkish left-wing movement and the Kurdish national movement have enabled the regime to carry out its plans.

The regime has exploited the PKK's actions and implemented all of its own projects regarding Kurdistan.

Thousands of villages have been forcibly evacuated and millions of Kurds have been deported. The rural regions of Kurdistan have been depopulated. Through these actions the regime has been able to intimidate the people.

The balance of political power in Kurdish and Turkish society has evolved in relation to the regime's dirty war against the Kurds. A polarization took place. In Turkish society, the peaceful, democratic and socialist forces declined but chauvinism and militarism grew in strength. In Kurdish society, parties like ours, which remained committed to the political struggle and aimed to resolve the Kurdish question by peaceful means, lost influence. The PKK, which had chosen violence as its method of struggle, grew stronger. Against such a chaotic background our warnings, and those of people in both societies whose beliefs were similar to ours, were not listened to.

In short, we are not responsible for the present situation. We are ready and willing to account for our actions during the past twenty-five years. But by the same token, every organization and every prominent person who has played a political role in Kurdistan and Turkey during the past thirty or forty years must also draw up a personal balance sheet. What have they done to defend democracy, prevent fascism and thwart the regime's plans? What policy have they supported, and what results has this led to?

This has to happen if we are to learn from the past and avoid repeating the same mistakes, find the right path and support the correct policy.

Politics in Kurdistan and in Turkey are at a turning point

During the past year there have been far-reaching political changes in Turkey and in Kurdistan. We are

approaching a turning point. After fifteen years of blindly raging struggle, we are finally catching a glimpse of the light.

We have come to the end of the armed struggle that the PKK unleashed through its actions in August 1984, which over the years was transformed into a dirty war. In the beginning these actions were the trigger, because of the harsh repression and persecution by the Turkish state led to an explosive situation in Kurdistan. For this reason, and in spite of the very negative reputation of the PKK, the people showed sympathy for these actions and granted the PKK a limited amount of support. Over time, this support increased. Many believed the PKK would win a speedy victory. But fifteen years later, the PKK and those who placed their hopes in it must look bitter reality in the eyes.

The present situation does not come as a surprise to us. We did not have any illusions. We expected an outcome of this kind.

Yet the Kurdish people have had to pay a high price for this outcome. The destruction, the persecution, the deportation and the immense suffering are aggravated by the fact that the Kurdish people have lost twenty years in their liberation struggle. More years will pass before the damage is redressed for and the wounds heal.

The PKK: from one mistake to the next

But has the PKK truly understood that its policy and the form and the means it chose for its struggle were the wrong ones? Will it pursue the right policy from now on?

Apparently not, for the PKK goes from one mistake to the next.

We are not against the PKK's renunciation of the armed struggle. On the contrary, because it has now been confirmed that no results are to be attained through armed struggle, the PKK's renunciation of armed struggle (better late than never) does not harm the Kurdish people's liberation struggle. Rejection of armed struggle is in the interests of our struggle.

But Öcalan and the PKK have rejected more than just the armed struggle. If it were only a matter of giving up armed struggle in order to continue the struggle at the political level, there would be no problems. However, after his arrest Öcalan immediately offered his services the Turkish state &endash; this regime that is mercilessly oppressing the Kurdish people. At his trial he did not defend the just cause and legitimate demands of the Kurdish people.

Öcalan rejects the federalist solution. He rejects even autonomy for the Kurds, a solution he himself advocated when he was in Italy. He regards both of these solutions as superfluous and reactionary demands.

He has not tired of praising Kemalism, the ideological tool of the regime, with its repressive and chauvinist policy which consists of denying the existence of the Kurdish people.

He calls the historical uprisings of the Kurdish people reactionary.

Öcalan has declared that he is "personally at the service of the Turkish state" and that he fulfills this task "with pride". He has called on all Kurds to imitate him and support the Turkish state.

He has declared that in the interests of the so-called "democratic republic" he is negotiating for peace and a solution of the Kurdish question.

For its part, the PKK is in agreement with all of Öcalan's pronouncements. It is following the path that Öcalan is showing it. The PKK is stubbornly working at the task of making its party leader's new visions understandable to the Kurdish people!

This sad situation is unique in the world history of revolutionary struggle. Many people, especially those who had placed their hopes in Öcalan, are surprised by these far-reaching changes and find them incomprehensible. They seem to be in a state of shock. Because of this disappointment, they may cease all of their political activities or become advocates of the "new" policy of Öcalan and the PKK, i.e. place themselves at the service of the regime.

Others maintain that "if the Chairman makes such declarations he probably has good reasons for doing so".

Many speculations are being made concerning the concept of a "democratic republic". We too advocate the democratization of Turkey. We too want to replace the military regime, this police state, with a democratic republic. But these steps alone will not suffice to solve the Kurdish question and fulfill the demands of the Kurdish people. If a "democratic republic" is defined as a federalist system based on the equality of the two peoples, then we support this proposal. But Öcalan rejects both a federalist solution and autonomy. The concept of a "democratic republic" which has recently become a veritable magic formula for the PKK's followers, is in reality only an empty phrase that serves to deceive the members of the PKK and the Kurdish people.

Long before this idea dawned on the PKK, we wanted a dialogue with Turkish side and a peaceful solution of the Kurdish question. We were harshly criticized by the PKK for taking this stand. But peace and democracy for the Kurds are possible only on the basis of a just solution of the Kurdish question.

Retracting the legitimate demands of the Kurds can not under any circumstances be the precondition and the price of peace. If the PKK has come to the conclusion that armed struggle is a blind alley that has not led to success - as is in fact the case - then it can reject the armed struggle. But the struggle for equality and freedom must be continued by other means.

We support a just cause.

The struggle for freedom will be carried on until it is won.

The present situation of Öcalan and the PKK has not surprised us. Disappointment is not spreading within our party. As in the past, the Socialist Party of Kurdistan is pursuing its own policy. Today as in the past, we believe that we are on the right track. We are struggling for the liberation of the Kurdish people, for equality and freedom. We support a just cause.

This struggle has been waged for centuries. It has experienced highs and lows. Our people have experienced very difficult times. But the struggle has never ended. It will be carried on until it is won.

It is our duty not to lose hope and to show the people the way in difficult times. In the spring of 1975, shortly after our party was founded, the Kurdish liberation movement in Iraq laid down its arms. Bitter disappointment was felt by the Kurds in all parts of Kurdistan. In an article in the first issue of the journal "Özgürlük Yolu" we wrote that"the defeat of the Kurdish people because of the lack of support, the difficult conditions and the mistakes made by the leadership certainly do not mean it's all over. Only those who do not know history and do not believe in the power of the people can think so."

Shortly thereafter the struggle developed in northern and eastern Kurdistan. The national movement reorganized very quickly everywhere, including the Iraqi part of Kurdistan.

We hold the same views today as we did then. The regime that is keeping Öcalan in Imrali and dictating its will to him and the PKK should not rejoice too soon. Kurdish patriots need have no fear. The fate of the Kurdish liberation struggle does not depend on a single organization or a single person. We are talking about the freedom of a nation whose roots are thousands of years old. We will win.

But in order to win we must continue the struggle and draw lessons from the mistakes of the past. This is the difficult task that faces the Kurdish movement.

A peaceful and just solution of the Kurdish question

A new phase of our struggle is now beginning. If we succeed in learning from past experience, we can turn the present situation around to benefit the Kurdish people's struggle. It has become obvious that social problems can not be solved through violence. This applies to the PKK and to the Turkish regime.

The regime hoped it would be able to solve the Kurdish question through the means of terrorism and violence, and it failed. The Kurdish question has become an international issue. The Turkish people has lost a great deal in this dirty war. On the pretext of combating terrorism, the regime has plunged the people into poverty and robbed it of its freedom. The losses to the Turkish economy have been considerable. The economy has become dependent on the drug trade. The organized gangs, a product of the dirty war, have the whole country in their grip. Violence and corruption have spread throughout the society. Turkey has moved a bit further away from the civilized world. It can not occupy a place in the international community as long as the Kurdish question is not solved.

In order to solve the present problems, new approaches must be adopted by all sides. For years, our party has called for a peaceful solution through dialogue. It is not easy to reach such a solution. The regime, now that it has imposed its will on the PKK, surely believes it has won a victory and has thereby solved the Kurdish question. For his reason, it is refusing to make any concessions on the Kurdish question. We do not expect any positive initiatives to come from this racist military regime. But through an organized, persistent and massively implemented policy we can force it to make concessions.

The Kurdish movement will inevitably concentrate on the peaceful and political forms of struggle. Thus it will become more difficult for the regime to persevere in the methods it has used before. The regime will no longer be able to use the actions of the PKK to justify its acts of repression, its denial of rights and freedoms, and the extreme expansion of its armed forces. It will no longer be able to deceive the public. In this new process, the peaceful and democratic forces in Turkish society will grow stronger. In contrast to the phase that has just ended, the cooperation between the democratic forces of the two peoples will grow.

The tasks of this new phase of the struggle

On the Kurdish side, it is the duty of all organizations and patriots to understand the significance of this new phase without becoming entangled in narrow-minded quarrels or losing heart. We must be careful not to repeat the mistakes of the past and to make sure that the Kurdish national movement works together.

We want neither capitulation nor adventures. The Kurdish forces must take the route of organized political struggle and rely on the people.

The PSK will continue to live up to its responsibility and remain true to its principles. However, today as in the past, victory does not depend on us alone. Every group and every individual who is active in the Kurdish political arena and aims to continue the struggle has certain obligations. We must all hang together so that we do not lose heart, so that we can reorganize the movement and take up the struggle again. We must pool our energy, our strengths and our experience.

We, the PSK, are willing to work together with all those who agree with our program and our goals. We are open to cooperation and to the formation of a union with other Kurdish organizations with whom we have differences of opinion on individual points. We expect the same constructive attitude from them.

If we are to do away with the prejudices, personal envy and jealousy among us, we must find ways and means to make cooperation possible, for the formation of a stable union and the mobilization of the people toward common goals can be achieved only through tolerance and willingness to compromise.

If one task of the Kurdish movement is to restructure itself, another one is certainly to carry on the struggle in accordance with the concrete present circumstances of our county.

As long as the regime has made no progress with respect to democracy and the freedom of opinion and organization we will continue the struggle by legal as well as illegal means.

It is now the duty of the Kurdish national movement to create the forms and means of a joint struggle, not within the framework provided by the Turkish regime but in a framework that is in accord with the national interests of the Kurdish people.

The publication of a daily newspaper and the foundation of a legal party in which as many patriotic forces as possible are represented are especially important. In these areas we are prepared to do our duty. We can write articles for the same newspaper or work in a legal party together with other patriotic forces. Only pluralism and democratic relations are necessary for working together.

At the beginning of the year 2000

We are approaching the beginning of the year 2000. It is a source of happiness to be able to experience this historic moment. But it is even more important to experience this moment as a free individual and a free people with a state of mind that is appropriate to this point in human history. Unfortunately, this is not the case in our society. The Turkish regime has deprived the Turkish and the Kurdish people, and all the others who live in Turkey, of this happiness.

Like all other non-democratic countries, Turkey is still far removed from the civilized world. It is a country where torture, violence and fear hold sway. In spite of its rich natural resources and the extraordinary beauty of its landscapes, Turkey is a country whose people have to struggle with poverty, unemployment and many other problems. The regime is robbing its people of freedom, work and education. It prevents its people from living together peacefully in freedom and equality. It oppresses the Kurdish people and insists to solve by force the problems with neighboring countries.

What a great contradiction this is at the beginning of the year 2000!

In the course of previous centuries the human race has witnessed extraordinary scientific and technological developments and far-reaching revolutions and social changes. Today we can only guess at what the future will bring. Even today we are watching the pioneering steps of far-reaching changes in the realms of medicine, biology, communication and space travel.

In this new millennium the human race will witness even more far-reaching changes. These changes will not be limited to science and technology. They will also affect social life. In the coming centuries the human race will put an end to poverty, unemployment, homelessness and lack of education. It will bring demographic expansion under control. It will approach freedom and equality and the other values of socialism. It will end war once and for all and initiate world peace. In short, I believe that in the coming centuries the human race will conquer its archaic past.

At the historical threshold of this millennium, at the beginning of the year 2000, we can look back as a party at a quarter-century of struggle for the liberation of the Kurdish people, for democracy and for socialism.

Because of what we have achieved, we have a clear conscience, and we are proud of what we have accomplished. I congratulate all those who have supported this struggle. I bow to those who have lost their lives in the struggle.

But our task is not over. As long as we live and as long as our energy permits, we must give the signal to battle and hand on the banner to future generations. Today the struggle for freedom still requires a strong selflessness and persistent hard work.

I wish our party success in this just cause.

Long live our struggle for the liberation of our people, for democracy and socialism!

Long live the Socialist Party of Kurdistan!

(1) DDKD: Revolutionary Democratic Cultural Associations.

(2) KUK: National Liberators of Kurdistan.

(3) HEVKARI: Alliance of various Kurdish organizations and parties.

(4) TEVGER: Movement for the Liberation of Kurdistan (founded by eight organizations and parties).

(5) PDK-Iran: Democratic party of Kurdistan (Iran).

(6) "Özgürlük Yolu": a monthly journal, "The Path of Freedom", that was published in Turkey from June 1975 to December 1979.

(7) DDKO: Eastern Revolutionary Cultural Centers.

(8) PSKT: Socialist Party of Turkish Kurdistan.

(9) "Roja Welat": "Sun of Homeland", a Kurdish-Turkish journal.

(10) TÖB-DER: Teachers' and Educators' Association of Turkey.

(11) DISK: Confederation of Revolutionary Trade unions

(12) KOMKAR: Union of Associations of Kurdistan

(13) "Riya Azadi": "The Path of Freedom"