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Turkish Troops to Iraq
Is History Repeating Itself
Kurdish Observer (MJ)
majeed.jafar@maxima.se
The US late President Richard Nixon and his Secretary of State
Dr Henry Kissinger landed in Tehran on their way to China. Both
of them and the Shah of Iran, the then close and loyal ally of the
USA, met the late Kurdish national leader Mustafa Barzani in the
Iranian capital and promised their support for the Kurdish people
struggle against the dictatorial regime of Saddam Hussein until
they reach their legitimate human, cultural and political rights.
In March 1975, the President and his Secretary of State as well
as the Shah went back on their promises and, to put it very politely
and mildly, dropped the Kurds and left them at the (un)mercy of
the brutal and vengeful Iraqi regime in return for concessions to
both the USA and the Shah. As a result, tens of thousands of Kurds
became unwelcome refugees in Iran. Most of these refugees
were then handed over to Saddam who forcibly re-settled them in
western and southern Iraq far away from their homes in Kurdistan
in northern Iraq.
Understandably, the Kurdish people bitterly felt betrayed and angered
especially by the USA. They never, in their darkest pessimism, could
imagine that the President of a democratic superpower and his Secretary
of State would or could renege on their promises to a people and
their leaders who have suffered so much at the hands of ruthless
and inhumane totalitarian and despotic regime. This reinforced the
old Kurdish proverb, namely, the Kurds only friends
are the mountains.
No one has resisted and fought the regime of Saddam so steadfastly
and for such a long time as the Kurdish people of Iraq, withstanding
his regimes mass killing, mass forcible displacement, mass
graves, etcetera etcetera. Thousands of villages were leveled with
the ground, tens of thousands imprisoned, killed and gassed to death;
hundreds of thousands forcibly displaced, deported abroad or became
exiles. All this happened while the US various Administrations and
the West in general were arming and economically, politically and
diplomatically supporting that very tyrannical regime up until its
occupation of Kuwait.
In 1991 the Kurdish people rose against the regime of Saddam, who
responded by his typical ruthlessness and vengeance. In response
to mounting public opinion pressure, the USA, G. Britain and France
decided to create the no-flight zone in parts of the Kurdish region
and in the south. Saddam withdrew his troop from some areas of the
Kurdish region.
The US present Administration plans to clear Iraq of weapons of
mass destruction by ridding the country of Saddams regime
and replace it with a democratic system of government under which
"Iraq will provide a place where people can see that the Shia
and the Sunni and the Kurds can get along in a federation."
(President George W Bush March 6, 2003). This stand is very significant
and courageous. All Iraqis, especially the Kurds, hope the President
means it. It would be cynical if it is merely a means of pressure
on Turkey to allow the passage of the American army in order to
open a northern front. The Administration wants the military participation
and the active cooperation of Turkey in that endeavor, namely, to
open a northern front passing through the Kurdish region. Nevertheless,
the Turks do not want to participate in the fighting and the US
maintains at the same time it does not really need that participation
or passage. We've got contingencies in place that, should
our troops not come through Turkey -- not be allowed to come through
Turkey. And, no, that won't cause any more hardship for our troops;
I'm confident of that. (President Bush, at the same press
conference).
However, the Turkish government and army have their own hidden
agenda and ambitions in the Kurdistan region in Iraq, as all indicators
point out. They have made open statements to this effect. The Turkish
army wants to occupy the region, disarm the Kurdish guerrillas,
put their hands on the northern oil resources, deny the Kurds their
very national identity and deprive them the freedom, democracy (as
they have done with their own large Kurdish population) and self-rule
they have been enjoying since 1991 and for which they had fought
for almost a century.
How are the Kurds to solve this obvious and fundamental difference
of agenda and ambitions between the USA and Turkey? Whom should
they believe? What guarantees have the Kurds that (during and in
the aftermath of the war and complexity of diplomacy and self-interests
and power of the status quo) they will not be dropped
now as then in the name of expediency and pragmatism? When Kissinger
was later asked in a Congressional hearing why he and the Nixon
Administration dropped the Kurds, his remorseless and
callous reply was that he was conducting foreign policy
and not charity! Will we hear something similar soon?
This is a vital question that is beginning to haunt the Kurds again.
Will the USA and Britain, President Bush and Mr. Blair allow short
term military considerations prevail over their moral commitments
and public statements thus losing their credibility among the Kurdish
people? Will they be party to new tragedies that will befall the
Kurdish people in the eventuality of the Turkish government and
army occupying northern Iraq and carrying out their outspoken hostile
policies and hidden agenda against the Kurds of Iraq? I do not want
to believe that. But, and it is a big but, recent history does not
give me comfort. I remember US President W. Wilsons declaration
(World War One) on the rights of peoples under the Ottoman Empire
control to self-determination not applied to the Kurdish people,
the betrayal of March 1975, the total silence about the gassing
of the people of Halabja in 1988 and the passivity towards the uprising
of 1991 partly in response the call made by to President Bush senior.
I really hope that I will be proven wrong and pessimistic.
How would the Kurds in particular and Iraqis at large look upon
US declarations of concern for their freedom, democracy, prosperity
and security and the safeguarding of the independence and territorial
integrity of the whole of their country Iraq if Turkey is to be
allowed to carry out what it has said it wants to do in the northern
Kurdish region of Iraq?
How can Turkey accept federation, Kurdish national and cultural
rights for the Kurds in Iraq while it denies its own large Kurdish
population these very same rights? The former Shah of Iran reply
to a question about why he dropped the Kurds of Iraq,
he replied something like, how can I support the Kurds in Iraq get
their rights and I have my own Kurdish population. It must be added
that the
The Turkish government has sent troops to Cyprus in response to
a military coup détat in Athens and they are still
there, after more than 20 years, against the wish of the whole world
including the USA. What guarantees are there that Turkish troops
will not come to Iraq to stay as they have done in Cyprus. What
can the USA do if they refuse to leave? Neither the USA nor the
UK will risk attempting driving them out by force when they overstay.
In the light of their historic experience (not only in Iraq but
also in Turkey, Iran and Syria) the Kurdish people have all the
reasons in the world to be suspicious and will not stay passive
when they see their very hard won freedom, democracy and national
and cultural rights are put at risk and threatened by a hostile
foreign regional power that has nothing to do Iraq and is not welcome
there in the first place. The USA mistaken attempt to pacify some
areas of Iraq by bringing in (or as some cynics put it imported)
troops from Iraqs neighbors, will certainly lead to the alienation
of a large friendly and peaceful area and people to an unfriendly
and in all probability a hostile one. It will also lead to huge
and unforeseeable problems and conflicts within Iraq and in the
Middle East region immediately and in the longer run, without solving
short term difficulties that can be dealt with by more active Iraqi
participation.
It seems to be a very high price to pay (billions of dollars and
new Iraqi and regional tensions and conflicts) for a hardly likely
pacification of a small segment of the Iraqi population at the expense
of alienating much larger, and friendly, sections. Some observers
have begun to be suspicious about the real aims and intentions of
the USA and add that, unless, there is, of course, a hidden agenda
with aims that are not similar to the declared one, on the Kurds
and on Iraq, or, to give the benefit of the doubt, the USA Administration
has no clear vision and plan of action for Iraq and the Kurds and
therefore, one hand does not really know what the other is or will
be doing (the Defense Dept, the State Dept, the NSC and the CIA
have different and sometimes conflicting views, visions and courses
of action on how to deal with the various aspects of the Iraqi and
Kurdish issues).
Some say times have changed and people have changed and policies
have changed. Nevertheless, events are influenced by their own history
and people are shaped by their historical experiences. History is
a school with lessons to learn. The Kurdish people have their history,
ancient and recent, a history of disappointments, of betrayals and
of setbacks mostly triggered by outside forces. The Kurds in Iraq
have had such bitter experiences with various forces, external (Britain,
USA, Iran) as well as internal (Iraqi regimes and political forces);
the Kurds in Turkey with Britain, USA Syria and Turkeys Mustafa
Kemal; the Kurds in Iraq with the former Soviet Union and the regimes
of Iran. The smell it in the air, though it is colorless and odorless,
like Halabjas poison gas, and the Kurds feel it in the marrow
of their bones again. There are too many indicators to ignore or
to ignore.
A question that begs itself, and which can be put to President
Bush, Prime Minister Blair, Secretary of Defense, State Secretary,
Mr. Anan and others:
Need the Kurdish people in Iraq be dropped again as they have been
so many times?
And why? Is it the price for not committing acts of terrorism,
of fighting it; for active participation in the war of liberating
Iraq; for actively cooperating with the Coalition during and after
that war; for our hard won freedom and democracy and stability?
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